Teaching English to the Indonesian students is not as difficult as most people imagine. There is a strong belief that almost every one can do it. The experience has clearly indicated that the ideas of “Contrastive Analysis” play a very decisive role and contribute very much to the successful of doing this (Koencoro, 2006). Contrastive analysis has been regarded as main pillars in the domain of second or foreign language acquisition especially in Indonesia. Yet, not many English teachers know much about this term and it seems they have found difficulties related to how to conduct a simple contrastive analysis of Indonesian and English language. For that sake this paper is written. This paper is aimed to give a bright example how to make a contrastive analysis of Indonesian and English. Further than that, this paper is also aimed to give a clear understanding about how Indonesian differs from English in the sense of its language features.
This paper mainly deals with the similarities and dissimilarities of the two languages, Indonesian and English, in the morphological, syntactical, and sociolinguistics levels. In the first discussion, some remarks are given about the Contrastive analysis. In the second discussion, comparison of the idea of plural has been made and similarities and dissimilarities between the two languages are brought out. In the third discussion comparisons has been made for the sentence structure at syntactic level. Discussion four, deals with the comparison of passive and object-focus construction. Discussion five, six, seven and eight deals with the similarities and dissimilarities of subject prominence in English and –nya in Indonesian, terms of address, code mixing and code sifting in sociolinguistics level, and gender orientation versus kinship orientation. The concluding remarks of the above contrastive studies have, are outlined in the last session of this paper. This study is helpful for L2 learners in the process of language acquisition and also for the descriptive study of the languages.
A. Contrastive Analysis
Contrastive analysis in general term is an inductive investigative approach based on the distinctive elements in a language (Kardaleska, 2006). In common definition, the term can be defined as the method of analyzing the structure of any two languages with a view to estimate the differential aspects of their system, irrespective or their genetic affinity of level development (Geethakumary, 2006).
Contrastive Analysis of two languages in question: L1 and L2, pointing at the specific features of each language system (in its major areas: phonology, morphology, lexicology, syntax, text analysis) helps in the process of anticipation of possible difficulties with the L2 learners. A part of the difficulties can be attributed to the mother tongue (first language) interference (Kardaleska, 2006).
A systematic comparative study analyzing component wise the differences and similarities among languages was clearly recognized towards the end of 19th century and the beginning of 20th century, especially in Europe. The term “Contrastive linguistics” was suggested by Whorf, for comparative study which is giving emphasis on linguistic differences. Meanwhile contrastive linguistics has been redefined as “a subdiscipline of linguistics concerned with the comparison of two or more languages or subsystems of languages in order to determine both the differences and similarities between them” (Geethakumary, 2006).
The contrastive analysis emphasizes the influence of the mother tongue in learning a second language in phonological, morphological and syntactic levels. Examination of the differences between the first and second languages helps to predict the possible errors that can be made by L2 learners
Contrastive analysis provides an objective and scientific base for second language teaching. While learning a second language, if the mother tongue of the learner and the target language both has significantly similar linguistic features on all the levels of their structures, there will not be much difficulty in learning the new language in a limited time. For knowing the significantly similar structures in both languages the first step to be adopted is that both languages should be analysed independently. After the independent analysis, to sort out the different features of the two languages, comparison of the two languages is necessary. From this analysis it is easy to make out that at different levels of structures of these two languages there are some features quite similar and some quite dissimilar.
According to the popular assumptions of the contrastive analysis, the structural similarities will lead to facilitation and differences will cause interferences in the context of second/foreign language learning situations. This is however only a prediction and a partial understanding of the problems and prospects of a second/foreign language situation. The learner’s problems are not always constrained to the predictions of a contrastive study. Teachers’ competence, motivation and attitude of learners, teaching methods and instructional materials are the other variables that can significantly influence second/foreign language teaching. However, a contrastive grammar is highly useful for a motivated teacher and a learner for a more effective process of teaching and learning.
B. The idea of plural
The first idea to be discussed in this paper lies on the idea of plural. Plural here refers to the form of a noun or a verb which refers to more than one person or thing. English expresses plural implicitly by creating patterns how to use –s and –es. Indonesian on the other hand expresses plural explicitly. No definite rules how to create a plural form of a word except by reduplicating it, e.g rumah-rumah, mobil-mobil. The idea of plural can be clearly seen trough the following examples:

Indonesian English
Serigala itu binatang A wolf is an animal
Wolves are animal
Wolf is animal
Hiu itu ikan apa mamalia? Is a shark fish or mammal?
Are sharks fish or mammal?
Is shark fish or mammal?
Tukang pos selalu membawa surat A postman always brings letters
Postmen always bring letters
Postman always bring letters
Hewan peliharaan membutuhkan perhatian A pet needs care
Pets need care
Pet need care
From the example above, we can see that in English, the ideas of plural are expressed in many ways. A final –s or –es is added to a noun to make a noun plural. Sometimes, the changing a (man) to e (men) is also needed to indicate plural. A final –s or –es is added to a verb I when the subject is a singular noun (a wolf, a shark, a pet) or a third a person singular pronoun (she, he, it) (Azar, 1989).
C. Sentence structure
The basic order for Indonesian sentence is; Subject, Verb, Object or Adjective or Adverb. In syntactical term, simply we use the definition of S = NP.VP. A short hand way of saying that pattern is; a sentence consists of Noun Phrase and Verb Phrase. Yet in many cases, the order can be put in various ways, e.g a sentence may come from NP.VP, or NP.NP, or NP.AP or NP.PP. In English, the order strictly lies on S = NP.VP (sometimes VP with to be or linking verb). Below, you will find the differences in syntactical level
Indonesian English
Paman pergi ke Surabaya tadi malam Uncle went to Surabaya last night
Kakak ke kampus naik motor Brother rides to campus
Ibu ke pasar naik becak Mother goes to market by peddycap
Bibi di kebun Aunty is in the garden
Dompetnya di atas meja His wallet is on the table
Brudin sakit semalam Brudin was sick last night
Mereka bising sekali tadi sore They were very noisy this afternoon
Orang yang di sana tadi malam Andi The man who was there last night is Andy
Kebanyakan warga desa ini nelayan Most citizen of this village are sailors
Note: NP: Noun Phrase Adv P: Adverbial Phrase
AP: Adjective Phrase VP : Verb Phrase
D. Passive and Object-Focus Construction
The idea of passive is rare in speech, yet it occurs often in academic writing. The passive form of a verb phrase contain this pattern; be + past participle, e.g is bitten, was stolen, can be taken. In Indonesian, passive is shown by adding di- before a verb, e.g dimakan, ditipu, dipermalukan. In most clauses, the subject refers to the “doer”, or actor of the action of the verb (Leech and friends, 2003). When we create a passive sentence, the focus of the sentence goes to Subject. This term is well known as Canonical passive, e.g Buku itu sudah dibaca oleh Andi or The book has been read by Andi.
Passive sentence in Indonesian, the position of focus may go to Object. We call it Object focus or in another word non canonical passive. The term can be defined as a sentence which has semi-active and semi-passive construction, e.g Buku itu sudah saya baca. This phenomenon does not occur in English except in relative clauses.
Indonesian English
A: Erni menulis makalah ini A: Erni writes this paper
P: Makalah ini ditulis oleh erni P: This paper is written by Erni
Makalah ini ditulis Erni
Makalah ini Erni tulis*
A: Dia sudah mengirim suratnya? A: Has she sent the letter yet?
P: Suratnya sudah dikirim oleh dia? P: Has the letter been sent by
Suratnya sudah dikirim dia?
Suratnya sudah dia kirim?*
Sudah dia kirim suratnya?*
A: Saya tidak memakan makanan itu A: I did not eat that food
P: Makanan itu tidak dimakan oleh saya P: That food was not eaten by me yet
Makanan itu tidak saya makan*
Tidak saya makan makanan itu*
Note: A: Active P:Passive
* NonCanonical Passive/Object focus
Notice that object focus constructions in Indonesian also occur in the so-called relative clauses in English. While relative clauses of the object pattern type in English do not change the voice of the verb, in Indonesian they do. That is, the antecedent referred to by the relative pronoun becomes an object focus in Indonesian. Compare the following English sentences with their Indonesian counterparts
Indonesian English
Orang tua yang ditemui Rika di sekolah adalah kakeknya The old man (whom) Rika met at the school was his grand father
*Orang tua yang Rika menemui di sekolah……..
Indonesian English
Demonstrasi yang saya tonton di TV sangat menakutkan Demonstration I watched on TV was scary
*Demonstrasi yang saya menonton di TV…….
Errors such as *Orang tua yang Rika menemui di sekolah….or *Demonstrasi yang saya menonton di TV…are common to occur in the speech or writing produced by speakers of English learning Indonesian. Apparently, this is a kind of error known in TEFL as transfer. That is the carrying over of a syntactic structure in English into Indonesian (Kadarisman, 2002:3)
Object-focus construction in Indonesian are different from cleft in English, e.g That is the man that I have met, or That is the key I am looking for. In Indonesian, cleft sentences are equal to object-focus + -lah construction, e.g Lelaki itulah yang pernah saya temui, and Kunci itulah yang sedang saya cari.
In English, it is also possible to have object focus. Here we will call it Object fronting, e.g The man I have met, and The key I am looking for. However, it should be noted that object focus in English is a “marked” or unusual structure, whereas object focus in Indonesian as an “unmarked” or common structure. Moreover, object focus in Indonesian makes the sentence “partly passive and hence the term Non-cannonical passive. In contrast, English object fronting does not change the sentence from active into passive. (Kadarisman, 2002:4).
E. Subject prominence in English and –nya in Indonesian
English is a subject prominent language. It means every sentence in English always requires a subject. The subject can be a proper name, pronoun or something else. Yet in Indonesian, the subject may be omitted. This phenomenon can be mentioned as Zero subject sentence. The subject is coverable from the context
Indonesian English
Tinggalnya dimana sekarang? Where do you stay now?
Pekerjaannya apa? What do you do for living?
Butuhnya apa dariku? What do you need from me?
Uangnya berapa? How much money do you have?
In the sentence Tinggalnya di mana?, we do not find a subject since the subject needs not to be put there. Yet, this sentence still be understood by Indonesian people. Here zero subjects play role, and it is coverable from the context. In the sentence Where do you stay now?, the subject is definite, and in this case the subject is “you”.
F. Terms of Address
In Indonesia, The term of address is used to differentiate positions of people. It is also used to show politeness in conversation. To address someone who is older than us, we must use the proper address, e.g Bapak, Ibu, Panjennengan. In English, those terms are not used. English only addresses “You” to all of their interlocutors.
Indonesian English
Anda sudah makan? Have you had your dinner?
Bapak/Ibu Are you hungry?
Pak Roni/Bu Dewi
Heri/Puspita lapar?
G. Code Switching and Code Mixing
The next discussion in this topic lies in the term of Code Switching and Code mixing that occurs in Indonesian and English spoken community. The existence of these two phenomena is familiar in daily conversations conducted among them. Many Code switching and code mixing’s events occur both in Indonesian people conversation and English spoken community. Here, Code-switching refers the use of two languages simultaneously or interchangeably (Valdes-Fallis, 1977). Chana (1984) describes code-switching as the juxtaposition within the same speech exchange of passages of speech belonging to two different grammatical systems or subsystems. Code mixing on the other hand can be defined as the involvement of the deliberate mixing of two languages without an associated topic change. The example given by Pfaff (1979) demonstrates this event, a code mixing phenomenon between English and Spanish language.
*I went to the house chiquita
I went to the little house (Pfaff, 1979)
In this session, we are going to talk shortly about Code mixing phenomenon that occurs in Indonesian. Below, you will find clear examples of code mixing in a conversation between two Javanese;
A: Mana Pak Wendi Lim, kok belum datang?
B: Wah, dalem mboten ngertos, Pak
A: Lho, kemarin kan kamu saya suruh menyampaikan nota saya ke kantornya.
B: Waktu saya sowan ke sana, beliau tidak ada. Sedang tindakan ke Madiun, kata Mbak Nunung Sekretarisnya.
A: Mbak Nunung bilang apa?
B: Mungkin sore atau malam hari Pak Wendi baru pulang dari Madiun. Lalu bilang,“Notanya ditinggal di sini saja. Kalau Bapak rawuh, nanti saya haturkan” (Kadarisman, 2002:5).
H. Gender versus Kinship Orientation
The idea of gender orientation in English is commonly used in the form of pronoun, both subject and object. It may appear as he, she, him or her. More than that, the gender orientation is also used to differentiate subjects in a sentence. There are many terms to differentiate subject. One is used to differentiate siblings. We find the words “brother” and “sister” is aimed to differentiate male and female siblings, or son or daughter to differentiate male and female child. In Indonesian the term of gender orientation is not well known. When we talk about a child, we commonly say anak without referring what sex the child has. English will say a boy or a girl instead of a child. In this case we can say that English is a strongly gender oriented language. Below you will find example for that:
Indonesian English
Kemana dia pergi? Where does he go?
Where does she go?
Buku itu milik dia The book belongs to her
The book belongs to him
Anak itu bermain di lapangan The boy plays on the playground
The girl plays on the playground
In Indonesian language, the ideas of kinship are very popular. These ideas play basic role in conducting a conversation. It seems the cultural background may support these Ideas. The cultural bound of Indonesian people create a close and respectful relationship with others. Someone who is close to us will be treated differently with someone who has no relative connection. The differentiation of address may be the realization for that.
Indonesian English
Nak Deni mau kemana? Where are you going?
Mas Deni
Pak Deni
Saudara Deni
Om Deni
Concluding Remarks
The paper starts by making a brief explanation about Contrastive analysis. Then it continuous further by giving many examples of differences and similarities between two languages, Indonesian and English. This contrastive analysis may not provide a very significant role to scholars, yet in certain case, it helps much to L2 learner or to teachers of English language to give them a clear picture about the differences and the similarities lie between two languages.
II.Indonesian language

Indonesian (Bahasa Indonesia) is the official language of Indonesia. It is a standardized form of the Riau dialect of Malay, an Austronesian language which has been used as a lingua franca in the Indonesian archipelago for centuries.
Indonesia is the fourth most populous nation in the world. Of its large population, the number of people who fluently speak Indonesian is fast approaching 100%, making Indonesian, and thus Malay, one of the most widely spoken languages in the world[1]
Most Indonesians, aside from speaking the national language, are often fluent in another regional language (examples include Javanese, Minangkabau and Sundanese) which are commonly used at home and within the local community. Most formal education, as well as nearly all national media and other forms of communication, are conducted in Indonesian. In East Timor, which was an Indonesian province from 1975 to 1999, Indonesian is recognised by the constitution as one of the two working languages (the other being English), alongside the official languages of Tetum and Portuguese.
The Indonesian name for the language is Bahasa Indonesia (literally “the language of Indonesia”). This term can sometimes still be found in written or spoken English. In addition, the language is sometimes referred to as “Bahasa” by English speakers, though this simply means “language” and thus does not technically specify the Indonesian language .

2.1..Phonology system
Indonesian is written with the Latin script. Consonants are represented in a way similar to Italian, although ⟨c⟩ is always /tʃ/ (like English ⟨ch⟩), ⟨g⟩ is always /ɡ/ (“hard”) and ⟨j⟩ represents /dʒ/ as it does in English. In addition, ⟨ny⟩ represents the palatal nasal /ɲ/, ⟨ng⟩ is used for the velar nasal /ŋ/ (which can occur word-initially), ⟨sy⟩ for /ʃ/ (English ⟨sh⟩) and ⟨kh⟩ for the voiceless velar fricative /x/. Both /e/ and /ə/ are represented with ⟨e⟩.
It is important to note the spelling changes in the language that have occurred since Indonesian independence. The changes include:

spelling New
oe u
tj c
dj j
j y
nj ny
sj sy
ch kh
The first of these changes (⟨oe⟩ to ⟨u⟩) occurred around the time of independence in 1947; all of the others were a part of the Perfected Spelling System, an officially-mandated spelling reform in 1972. Some of the old spellings (which were derived from Dutch orthography) do survive in proper names; for example, the name of a former president of the Indonesia is still sometimes written Soeharto, and the central Java city of Yogyakarta is sometimes written Jogjakarta

III.English phonology

English phonology is the study of the sound system (phonology) of the English language. Like many languages, English has wide variation in pronunciation, both historically and from dialect to dialect. In general, however, the major regional dialects of English are mutually intelligible.
Although there are many dialects of English, the following are usually used as prestige or standard accents: Received Pronunciation for the United Kingdom, General American for the United States, and General Australian for Australia.
A phoneme is a sound or a group of different sounds which is/are all perceived to have the same function by speakers of the language or dialect in question. For example, the word “sound” has four phonemes: the “s”, the vowel diphthong “ou”, the “n”, and the “d”. Note that a phoneme is a feature of pronunciation, not of spelling (which in English sometimes does not relate directly to the phonemes that are present: e.g., “cough” has three phonemes — the initial consonant sound, the monophthong vowel sound “aw”, and the final consonant sound “f”).
The number of speech sounds in English varies from dialect to dialect, and any actual tally depends greatly on the interpretation of the researcher doing the counting. The Longman Pronunciation Dictionary by John C. Wells, for example, denotes 24 consonants and 23 vowels used in Received Pronunciation, plus two additional consonants and four additional vowels used in foreign words only. For General American, it provides for 25 consonants and 19 vowels, with one additional consonant and three additional vowels for foreign words. The American Heritage Dictionary on the other hand, suggests 25 consonants and 18 vowels (including r-colored vowels) for American English, plus one consonant and five vowels for non-English terms .
3.2 Consonants
The following table shows the consonant phonemes found in most dialects of English. When consonants appear in pairs, fortis consonants (i.e., aspirated or voiceless) appear on the left and lenis consonants (i.e., lightly voiced or voiced) appear on the right:
Consonant phonemes of English

m n ŋ
p b t d k ɡ
tʃ dʒ
f v θ ð s z ʃ ʒ (x)3 h
ɹ1, 2, 5 j w4
l1, 6
1. Some phonologists identify syllabic nasals and liquids in unstressed syllables, while others analyse these phonemically as /əC/.
2. Postalveolar consonants are usually labialized (e.g., [ʃʷ]), as is word-initial or pre-tonic /r/ (i.e., [ɹʷ]), though this is rarely transcribed.
3. The voiceless velar fricative /x/ is dialectal, occurring largely in Scottish English. In other dialects, words with these sounds are pronounced with /k/. It may appear in recently-domiciled words such as chutzpah.
4. The sequence /hw/, a voiceless labiovelar approximant [hw̥], is sometimes considered an additional phoneme. For most speakers, words that historically used to have these sounds are now pronounced with /w/; the phoneme /hw/ is retained, for example, in much of the American South, Scotland, and Ireland.
5. Depending on dialect, /r/ may be an alveolar approximant [ɹ], postalveolar approximant, retroflex approximant [ɻ], or labiodental approximant [ʋ].
6. Many dialects have two allophones of /l/—the “clear” L and the “dark” or velarized L. In some dialects, /l/ may be always clear (e.g. Wales, Ireland, the Caribbean) or always dark (e.g. Scotland, most of North America, Australia, New Zealand).
/p/ pit /b/ bit
/t/ tin /d/ din
/k/ cut /ɡ/ gut
/tʃ/ cheap /dʒ/ jeep
/f/ fat /v/ vat
/θ/ thin /ð/ then
/s/ sap /z/ zap
/ʃ/ she /ʒ/ measure
/x/ loch
/w/ we /m/ map
/l/ left /n/ nap
/ɹ/ run /j/ yes
/h/ ham /ŋ/ bang
3.3 Allophones
An allophone is one of a set of multiple possible spoken sounds (or phones) used to pronounce a single phoneme. For example, the phoneme /t/ is pronounced differently in “tonsils” than in “button”, and still differently in “cat”. All of these “t” sounds are allophones of the same phoneme, since no two words can be distinguished from each other solely on the basis of which of these pronunciations is used.
Although regional variation is very great across English dialects, some generalizations can be made about pronunciation in all (or at least the vast majority) of English accents:
• The voiceless stops /p t k/ are aspirated [pʰ tʰ kʰ] at the beginnings of words (for example tomato) and at the beginnings of word-internal stressed syllables (for example potato). They are unaspirated [p t k] after /s/ (stan, span, scan) and at the ends of syllables.
• For many people, /r/ is somewhat labialized in some environments, as in reed [ɹʷiːd] and tree [tʰɹ̥ʷiː]. In the latter case, the [t] may be slightly labialized as well
The phoneme /t/ has six different allophones: differing somewhat between British and American English. As noted above, /t/ is aspirated as [tʰ] at the beginning of a word or stressed syllable, but unaspirated as [t] after /s/. After a stressed syllable and at the beginning of an unstressed syllable, after a vowel or /r/ and before a vowel or a syllabic / l /, as in water or bottle, in American English it is pronounced as a voiced flap [ɾ] that is indistinguishable from /d/ (so that, for example, petal and peddle sound alike); this flap may even appear at word boundaries, as in put it on. But British English does not use the flap, instead de-aspirating [tʰ] somewhat. When /t/ follows /n/ and precedes an unstressed vowel, as in winter, the /t/ is pronounced by some speakers of American English as a nasalized flap that is identical to the /n/ flap and hence becomes essentially silent, so that for example /nt/ is indistinguishable from /n/ in winter / winner. Before /n/, as in catnip and button, British and American English pronounce /t/ as a glottal stop [ʔ], allowing a distinction in pronunciation between, for example, Sutton and sudden or bitten and bidden. Finally, final /t/ as in cat is not released, and may be glottalized in British English. However, in speech with careful enunciation, in all situations /t/ may be pronounced as [t] or [tʰ].
The phoneme /n/ is usually pronounced as [n], but before /k/ the allophone [ŋ] usually appears (mandatorily in stressed syllables and optionally in unstressed syllables). For example, sink is pronounced as [ˈsɪŋk], never as [ˈsɪnk]. This allophonic change can even occur across syllable boundaries: synchrony is pronounced as [ˈsɪŋkɹəni] whereas synchronic may be pronounced either as [sɪŋˈkɹɒnɨk] or as [sɪnˈkɹɒnɨk]. Note that when not followed by /k/, /ŋ/ serves as an English phoneme in its own right, as for example in sing [siŋ]; but there is no phonemic distinction between [ŋk] and [nk].
3.4 Vowels
The vowels of English differ considerably between dialects. Because of this, corresponding vowels may be transcribed with various symbols depending on the dialect under consideration. When considering English as a whole, no specific phonemic symbols are chosen over others; instead, lexical sets are used, each named by a word containing the vowel in question. For example, the vowel of the LOT set (“short o”) is transcribed /ɒ/ in Received Pronunciation, /ɔ/ in Australian English, and /ɑ/ in General American. For an overview of these diaphonemic correspondences, see IPA chart for English dialects
Monophthongs of Received Pronunciation[3]


long short long short long short
iː ɪ uː ʊ
ɛ ɜː ə ɔː
æ ʌ*
ɑː ɒ
Monophthongs of Australian English

long short long short long short
iː ɪ ʉː ʊ
eː e ɜː ə oː ɔ
æː æ aː a

^* The vowel of STRUT is closer to a Near-open central vowe ([ɐ]) in RP, though ⟨ʌ⟩ is still used for tradition (it was historically a back vowel) and because it is still back in other varieties
The monophthong phonemes of General American differ in a number of ways from Received Pronunciation:
1. The central vowel of nurse is rhotic [ɝ] (also transcribed as a syllabic [ɹ̩].
2. Speakers make a phonemic distinction between rhotic /ɚ/ and non-rhotic /ə/.
3. No distinction is made between /ɒ/ and /ɑː/, nor for many speakers between these vowels and /ɔː/.
Reduced vowels occur in some unstressed syllables. (Other unstressed syllables may have full vowels, which some dictionaries mark as secondary stress) The number of distinctions made among reduced vowels varies by dialect. In some dialects vowels are centralized but otherwise kept mostly distinct, while in Australia, New Zealand and some US dialects] all reduced vowels collapse to a schwa [ə]. In Received Pronunciation, there is a distinct high reduced vowel, which the OED writes
• [ɪ]: roses (merged with [ə] in Australian and New Zealand English)
• [ə]: Rosa’s, runner
• [l̩]: bottle
• [n̩]: button
• [m̩]: rhythm
English diphthongs

low /əʊ/ /əʉ/ /oʊ/
loud /aʊ/ /æɔ/ /aʊ/
lied /aɪ/ /ɑe/ /aɪ/
lane /eɪ/ /æɪ/ /eɪ/
loin /ɔɪ/ /oɪ/ /ɔɪ/
leer /ɪə/ /ɪə/ /ɪɚ/[d 1]

lair /ɛə/[d 2]
/eː/ /ɛɚ/[d 1]

lure /ʊə/[d 2]
(/ʊə/)[d 3]
/ʊɚ/[d 1]

1. ^ a b c In rhotic dialects, words like pair, poor, and peer can be analyzed as diphthongs, although other descriptions analyze them as vowels with /r/ in the coda.[5]
2. ^ a b In Received Pronunciation, the vowels in lair and lure may be monophthongized to [ɛː] and [oː] respectively.[6]
3. ^ In Australian English, the vowel /ʊə/ is often omitted from descriptions as for most speakers it has split into the long monophthong /oː/ (e.g. poor, sure) or the seque

Azar, Scramfer, Betty. 1989. Understanding and Using English Grammar. New Jersey: Prentice-Hall.Inc
Chana, U. 1984. Evaluative reactions to Punjabi/English code-switching. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development. 5 (6), pp. 447-473.
Geethakumary, V. 2006. A Contrastive Analysis of Hindi and Malayalam. http://www.languageinindia.com. 24 May 2006
Koencoro, S. 2006. The Application of Contrastive Analysis in Teaching Indonesian to English Speaking Expatriates. http://www.ialf.edu. 24 May.2006
Kadarisman, Effendi. 2002. Trends and Issues in Linguistics: an exercise. Unpublished modul: State University of Malang.
Kadarisman, Effendi. 2002. Trends and Issues in Linguistics: an exercise. Unpublished modul: State University of Malang
Kardaleska, Ljubica. 2006. Contrastive Analysis and Error Analysis in Copmbination with Analysis of the Semantic Level. http://www.sil.org. 24 May 2006
Leech, Geofrey&friends. 2003. An A-Z of English Grammar & Usage. Malaysia: Longman
Pfaff, C.W. 1976. Functional and structural constraints on syntactic variation on code-switching. Papers from the Parasession on Diachronic Syntax. Chicago: CLS. pp. 248-59
Valdes-Fallis, G. 1977. Code-switching among bilingual Mexican-American women: Towards an understanding of sex-related language alternation. International Journal of The Sociology of Language, 7, 65-72



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In linguistics, morphology is the identification, analysis and description of the structure of a given language’s morphemes and other linguistic units, such as words, affixes, parts of speech, intonation/stress, or implied context (words in a lexicn are the subject matter of lexicology). Morphological typology represents a method for classifying languages according to the ways by which morphemes are used in a language —from the analytic that use only isolated morphemes, through the agglutinative (“stuck-together”) and fusional languages that use bound morphemes (affixes, up to the polysynthetic, which compress lots of separate morphemes into single words.
While words are generally accepted as being (with clitics) the smallest units of syntax, it is clear that in most languages, if not all, words can be related to other words by rules (grammars). For example, English speakers recognize that the words dog and dogs are closely related — differentiated only by the plurality morpheme “-s”, which is only found bound to nouns, and is never separate. Speakers of English (a fusional language) recognize these relations from their tacit knowledge of the rules of word formation in English. They infer intuitively that dog is to dogs as cat is to cats; similarly, dog is to dog catcher as dish is to dishwasher, in one sense. The rules understood by the speaker reflect specific patterns, or regularities, in the way words are formed from smaller units and how those smaller units interact in speech. In this way, morphology is the branch of linguistics that studies patterns of word formation within and across languages, and attempts to formulate rules that model the knowledge of the speakers of those languages.
of present-day Mandarin, in which most words are compounds (around 80%), and most roots are bound.
In the Chinese languages, these are understood as grammars that represent the A language like Classical Chinese instead uses unbound (“free”) morphemes, but depends on post-phrase affixes, and word order to convey meaning. However, this cannot be said morphology of the language. Beyond the agglutinative languages, a polysynthetic language like Chukchi will have words composed of many morphemes: The word “təmeyŋəlevtpəγtərkən” is composed of eight morphemes t-ə-meyŋ-ə-levt-pəγt-ə-rkən, that can be glossed 1.SG.SUBJ-great-head-hurt-PRES.1, meaning ‘I have a fierce headache.’ The morphology of such languages allow for each consonant and vowel to be understood as morphemes, just as the grammars of the language key the usage and understanding of each morpheme.
Lexemes and word forms
The distinction between these two senses of “word” is arguably the most important one in morphology. The first sense of “word”, the one in which dog and dogs are “the same word”, is called a lexeme. The second sense is called word form. We thus say that dog and dogs are different forms of the same lexeme. Dog and dog catcher, on the other hand, are different lexemes, as they refer to two different kinds of entities. The form of a word that is chosen conventionally to represent the canonical form of a word is called a lemma, or citation form.
Prosodic word vs. morphological word
Here are examples from other languages of the failure of a single phonological word to coincide with a single morphological word form. In Latin, one way to express the concept of ‘NOUN-PHRASE1 and NOUN-PHRASE2’ (as in “apples and oranges”) is to suffix ‘-que’ to the second noun phrase: “apples oranges-and”, as it were. An extreme level of this theoretical quandary posed by some phonological words is provided by the Kwak’wala language.[3] In Kwak’wala, as in a great many other languages, meaning relations between nouns, including possession and “semantic case”, are formulated by affixes instead of by independent “words”. The three-word English phrase, “with his club”, where ‘with’ identifies its dependent noun phrase as an instrument and ‘his’ denotes a possession relation, would consist of two words or even just one word in many languages. Unlike most languages, Kwak’wala semantic affixes phonologically attach not to the lexeme they pertain to semantically, but to the preceding lexeme. Consider the following example (in Kwakw’ala, sentences begin with what corresponds to an English verb):[4]
kwixʔid-i-da bəgwanəmai-χ-a q’asa-s-isi t’alwagwayu
Morpheme by morpheme translation:
kwixʔid-i-da = clubbed-PIVOT-DETERMINER
bəgwanəma-χ-a = man-ACCUSATIVE-DETERMINER
t’alwagwayu = club.
“the man clubbed the otter with his club”
(Notation notes:
1. accusative case marks an entity that something is done to.
2. determiners are words such as “the”, “this”, “that”.
3. the concept of “pivot” is a theoretical construct that is not relevant to this discussion.)
That is, to the speaker of Kwak’wala, the sentence does not contain the “words” ‘him-the-otter’ or ‘with-his-club’ Instead, the markers -i-da (PIVOT-‘the’), referring to man, attaches not to bəgwanəma (‘man’), but instead to the “verb”; the markers -χ-a (ACCUSATIVE-‘the’), referring to otter, attach to bəgwanəma instead of to q’asa (‘otter’), etc. To summarize differently: a speaker of Kwak’wala does not perceive the sentence to consist of these phonological words:
kwixʔid i-da-bəgwanəma χ-a-q’asa s-isi-t’alwagwayu
clubbed PIVOT-the-mani hit-the-otter with-hisi-club
A central publication on this topic is the recent volume edited by Dixon and Aikhenvald (2007), examining the mismatch between prosodic-phonological and grammatical definitions of “word” in various Amazonian, Australian Aboriginal, Caucasian, Eskimo, Indo-European, Native North American, West African, and sign languages. Apparently, a wide variety of languages make use of the hybrid linguistic unit clitic, possessing the grammatical features of independent words but the prosodic-phonological lack of freedom of bound morphemes. The intermediate status of clitics poses a considerable challenge to linguistic theory.
Inflection vs. word formation
Given the notion of a lexeme, it is possible to distinguish two kinds of morphological rules. Some morphological rules relate to different forms of the same lexeme; while other rules relate to different lexemes. Rules of the first kind are called inflectional rules, while those of the second kind are called word formatin. The English plural, as illustrated by dog and dogs, is an inflectional rule; compound phrases and words like dog catcher or dishwasher provide an example of a word formation rule. Informally, word formation rules form “new words” (that is, new lexemes), while inflection rules yield variant forms of the “same” word (lexeme).
There is a further distinction between two kinds of word formation: derivation and compounding. Compounding is a process of word formation that involves combining complete word forms into a single compound form; dog catcher is therefore a compound, because both dog and catcher are complete word forms in their own right before the compounding process has been applied, and are subsequently treated as one form. Derivation involves affixing bound (non-independent) forms to existing lexemes, whereby the addition of the affix derives a new lexeme. One example of derivation is clear in this case: the word independent is derived from the word dependent by prefixing it with the derivational prefix in-, while dependent itself is derived from the verb depend.
The distinction between inflection and word formation is not at all clear cut. There are many examples where linguists fail to agree whether a given rule is inflection or word formation. The next section will attempt to clarify this distinction.
Word formation is a process, as we have said, where you combine two complete words, whereas with inflection you can combine a suffix with some verb to change its form to subject of the sentence. For example: in the present indefinite, we use ‘go’ with subject I/we/you/they and plural nouns, whereas for third person singular pronouns (he/she/it) and singular nouns we use ‘goes’. So this ‘-es’ is an inflectional marker and is used to match with its subject. A further difference is that in word formation, the resultant word may differ from its source word’s grammatical category whereas in the process of inflection the word never changes its grammatical category.
Paradigms and morphosyntax
A linguistic paradigm is the complete set of related word forms associated with a given lexeme. The familiar examples of paradigms are the conjugations of verbs, and the declensions of nouns. Accordingly, the word forms of a lexeme may be arranged conveniently into tables, by classifying them according to shared inflectional categories such as tense, aspect, mood, number, gender or case. For example, the personal pronouns in English can be organized into tables, using the categories of person (first, second, third), number (singular vs. plural), gender (masculine, feminine, neuter), and case (subjective, objective, and possessive). See English personal pronouns for the details.
The inflectional categories used to group word forms into paradigms cannot be chosen arbitrarily; they must be categories that are relevant to stating the syntactic rules of the language. For example, person and number are categories that can be used to define paradigms in English, because English has grammatical agreement rules that require the verb in a sentence to appear in an inflectional form that matches the person and number of the subject. In other words, the syntactic rules of English care about the difference between dog and dogs, because the choice between these two forms determines which form of the verb is to be used. In contrast, however, no syntactic rule of English cares about the difference between dog and dog catcher, or dependent and independent. The first two are just nouns, and the second two just adjectives, and they generally behave like any other noun or adjective behaves.
An important difference between inflection and word formation is that inflected word forms of lexemes are organized into paradigms, which are defined by the requirements of syntactic rules, whereas the rules of word formation are not restricted by any corresponding requirements of syntax. Inflection is therefore said to be relevant to syntax, and word formation is not. The part of morphology that covers the relationship between syntax and morphology is called morphosyntax, and it concerns itself with inflection and paradigms, but not with word formation or compounding.
In the exposition above, morphological rules are described as analogies between word forms: dog is to dogs as cat is to cats, and as dish is to dishes. In this case, the analogy applies both to the form of the words and to their meaning: in each pair, the first word means “one of X”, while the second “two or more of X”, and the difference is always the plural form -s affixed to the second word, signaling the key distinction between singular and plural entities.
One of the largest sources of complexity in morphology is that this one-to-one correspondence between meaning and form scarcely applies to every case in the language. In English, we have word form pairs like ox/oxen, goose/geese, and sheep/sheep, where the difference between the singular and the plural is signaled in a way that departs from the regular pattern, or is not signaled at all. Even cases considered “regular”, with the final -s, are not so simple; the -s in dogs is not pronounced the same way as the -s in cats, and in a plural like dishes, an “extra” vowel appears before the -s. These cases, where the same distinction is effected by alternative forms of a “word”, are called allomorphy.
Phonological rules constrain which sounds can appear next to each other in a language, and morphological rules, when applied blindly, would often violate phonological rules, by resulting in sound sequences that are prohibited in the language in question. For example, to form the plural of dish by simply appending an -s to the end of the word would result in the form *[dɪʃs], which is not permitted by the phonotactics of English. In order to “rescue” the word, a vowel sound is inserted between the root and the plural marker, and [dɪʃɪz] results. Similar rules apply to the pronunciation of the -s in dogs and cats: it depends on the quality (voiced vs. unvoiced) of the final preceding phoneme.
Lexical morphology
Lexical morphology is the branch of morphology that deals with the lexicon, which, morphologically conceived, is the collection of lexemes in a language. As such, it concerns itself primarily with word formation: derivation and compounding.
Morpheme-based morphology
In morpheme-based morphology, word forms are analyzed as arrangements of morphemes. A morpheme is defined as the minimal meaningful unit of a language. In a word like independently, we say that the morphemes are in-, depend, -ent, and ly; depend is the root and the other morphemes are, in this case, derivational affixes. In a word like dogs, we say that dog is the root, and that -s is an inflectional morpheme. In its simplest (and most naïve) form, this way of analyzing word forms treats words as if they were made of morphemes put after each other like beads on a string, is called Item-and-Arrangement. More modern and sophisticated approaches seek to maintain the idea of the morpheme while accommodating non-concatenative, analogical, and other processes that have proven problematic for Item-and-Arrangement theories and similar approaches.
Morpheme-based morphology presumes three basic axioms (cf. Beard 1995 for an overview and references):
• Baudoin’s single morpheme hypothesis: Roots and affixes have the same status as morphemes.
• Bloomfield’s sign base morpheme hypothesis: As morphemes, they are dualistic signs, since they have both (phonological) form and meaning.
• Bloomfield’s lexical morpheme hypothesis: The morphemes, affixes and roots alike, are stored in the lexicon.
Morpheme-based morphology comes in two flavours, one Bloomfieldian and one Hockettian. (cf. Bloomfield 1933 and Charles F. Hockett 1947). For Bloomfield, the morpheme was the minimal form with meaning, but it was not meaning itself. For Hockett, morphemes are meaning elements, not form elements. For him, there is a morpheme plural, with the allomorphs -s, -en, -ren etc. Within much morpheme-based morphological theory, these two views are mixed in unsystematic ways, so that a writer may talk about “the morpheme plural” and “the morpheme -s” in the same sentence, although these are different things.
Lexeme-based morphology
Lexeme-based morphology is (usually) an Item-and-Process approach. Instead of analyzing a word form as a set of morphemes arranged in sequence, a word form is said to be the result of applying rules that alter a word form or stem in order to produce a new one. An inflectional rule takes a stem, changes it as is required by the rule, and outputs a word form; a derivational rule takes a stem, changes it as per its own requirements, and outputs a derived stem; a compounding rule takes word forms, and similarly outputs a compound stem.
Word-based morphology
Word-based morphology is (usually) a Word-and-paradigm approach. This theory takes paradigms as a central notion. Instead of stating rules to combine morphemes into word forms, or to generate word forms from stems, word-based morphology states generalizations that hold between the forms of inflectional paradigms. The major point behind this approach is that many such generalizations are hard to state with either of the other approaches. The examples are usually drawn from fusional languages, where a given “piece” of a word, which a morpheme-based theory would call an inflectional morpheme, corresponds to a combination of grammatical categories, for example, “third person plural.” Morpheme-based theories usually have no problems with this situation, since one just says that a given morpheme has two categories. Item-and-Process theories, on the other hand, often break down in cases like these, because they all too often assume that there will be two separate rules here, one for third person, and the other for plural, but the distinction between them turns out to be artificial. Word-and-Paradigm approaches treat these as whole words that are related to each other by analogical rules. Words can be categorized based on the pattern they fit into. This applies both to existing words and to new ones. Application of a pattern different from the one that has been used historically can give rise to a new word, such as older replacing elder (where older follows the normal pattern of adjectival superlatives) and cows replacing kine (where cows fits the regular pattern of plural formation).
Morphological typology
In the 19th century, philologists devised a now classic classification of languages according to their morphology. According to this typology, some languages are isolating, and have little to no morphology; others are agglutinative, and their words tend to have lots of easily separable morphemes; while others yet are inflectional or fusional, because their inflectional morphemes are “fused” together. This leads to one bound morpheme conveying multiple pieces of information. The classic example of an isolating language is Chinese the classic example of an agglutinative language is Turkish; both Latin and Greek are classic examples of fusional languages.
Considering the variability of the world’s languages, it becomes clear that this classification is not at all clear cut, and many languages do not neatly fit any one of these types, and some fit in more than one way. A continuum of complex morphology of language may be adapted when considering languages.
The three models of morphology stem from attempts to analyze languages that more or less match different categories in this typology. The Item-and-Arrangement approach fits very naturally with agglutinative languages; while the Item-and-Process and Word-and-Paradigm approaches usually address fusional languages.
The reader should also note that the classical typology mostly applies to inflectional morphology. There is very little fusion going on with word formation. Languages may be classified as synthetic or analytic in their word formation, depending on the preferred way of expressing notions that are not inflectional: either by using word formation (synthetic), or by using syntactic phrases (analytic).

There are six pure vowel sounds: a (similar to the sound in bus), e (as in get), i (shorter than in eat), o (shorter than in dawn), u (as in put), and a neutral vowel like the second vowel of water which is also spelled e; and three diphthongs (ai, au, oi). The consonantic phonemes are rendered by the letters p, b, t, d, k, g, c (pronounced like the ch in cheese), j, h, ng (which also occurs initially), ny (as in canyon), m, n, s (unvoiced, as in sun or cats), w, l, r (trilled or flapped) and y. There are five more consonants that only appear in loanwords: f, v, sy (pronounced sh), z and kh (as in loch).

Bilabial Dental Palatal Velar Glottal
Stops Voiceless p t k
Voiced b d g
Affricates Voiceless tS
Voiced dZ
Fricatives s h
Nasals m n J N
Lateral l
Rhotic r
Semivowels w y
Front Central Back
High i u
Mid e @ o
Low a

Grapheme Current IPA Correct IPA
c t̠ʃ t̠ɕ
j d̠ʒ d̠ʑ
sy ʃ ɕ
f f ɸ
These 4 sounds do not seem to occur in (West) European languages, but seems to be typical for (East) Asian languages.

1. ^ Arabic Morphology and Phonology Whle ich das Wort “Morphologie” (“for the science of word formation, I choose the term ‘morphology'”, Mémoires Acad. Impériale 7/1/7, 35)
2. ^ Formerly known as Kwakiutl, Kwak’wala belongs to the Northern branch of the Wakashan language family. “Kwakiutl” is still used to refer to the tribe itself, along with other terms.
3. ^ Example taken from Foley 1998, using a modified transcription. This phenomenon of Kwak’wala was reported by Jacobsen as cited in van Valin and La Polla 1997.
4. ^ The existence of words like appendix and pending in English does not mean that the English word depend is analyzed into a derivational prefix de- and a root pend. While all those were indeed once related to each other by morphological rules, this was so only in Latin, not in English. English borrowed the words from French and Latin, but not the morphological rules that allowed Latin speakers to combine de- and the verb pendere ‘to hang’ into the derivative dependere.


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In linguistics, syntax (from Ancient Greek σύνταξις “arrangement” from σύν syn, “together”, and τάξις táxis, “an ordering”) is the study of the principles and rules for constructing phrases and sentences in natural languages
In addition to referring to the overarching discipline, the term syntax is also used to refer directly to the rules and principles that govern the sentence structure of any individual language, as in “the syntax of Modern Irish Modern research in syntax attempts to describe languages in terms of such rules. Many professionals in this discipline attempt to find general rules that apply to all natural languages The term syntax is also used to refer to the rules governing the behavior of mathematical systems, such as formal languages used in logic

• “Syntax is the study of the principles and processes by which sentences are constructed in particular languages. Syntactic investigation of a given language has as its goal the construction of a grammar that can be viewed as a device of some sort for producing the sentences of the language under analysis.”
(Noam Chomsky, Syntactic Structures, 1971)
• Syntactic Changes in English
“Syntactic change–change in the form and order of words–is . . . sometimes described as ‘an elusive process as compared to sound change.’ Its apparently puzzling nature is partly due to its variety. Word endings can be modified. Chaucer’s line And smale foweles maken melodye shows that English has changed several of them in the last 600 years. The behaviour of verbs can alter. Middle English I kan a noble tale ‘I know a fine story’ reveals that can could once be used as a main verb with a direct object. And word order may switch. The proverb Whoever loved that loved not at first sight? indicates that English negatives could once be placed after main verbs. These are just a random sample of syntactic changes which have occurred in English in the last half-millennium or so.”
(Jean Aitchison, Language Change: Progress or Decay? 3rd ed. Cambridge Univ. Press, 2001)
“Syntax is a word which comes from the Greek. It means, in that language, the joining of several things together; and, as used by grammarians, it means those principles and rules which teach us how to put words together so as to form sentences. It means, in short, sentence-making. Having been taught by the rules of Etymology what are the relationships of words, how words grow out of each other, how they are varied in their letters in order to correspond with the variation in the circumstances to which they apply, Syntax will teach you how to give all your words their proper situations or places, when you come to put them together into sentences.”

Syntax – English sentence structure

Linguists have problems in agreeing how to define the word sentence. For this web page, sentence will be taken to mean: ‘a sequence of words whose first word starts with a capital letter and whose last word is followed by an end punctuation mark (period/full stop or question mark or exclamamtion mark)’. On the basis of this definition, some of the sentences written by ESL students (indeed by all writers) will be correct, and other sentences will be problematic. Good readers (English teachers, for example!) can quickly see the difference between a correct and a problematic sentence.
Subject/predicate: All sentences are about something or someone. The something or someone that the sentence is about is called the subject of the sentence. In the following sentences the subjects are shown in red. Note how the subject is often, but not always, the first thing in the sentence.
• John often comes late to class.
My friend and I both have a dog named Spot.
• Many parts of the Asian coastline were destroyed by a tsunami in 2004.
• The old hotel at the end of the street is going to be knocked down to make way for a new supermarket.
• Sitting in a tree at the bottom of the garden was a huge black bird with long blue tail feathers.
• The grade 7 Korean boy who has just started at FIS speaks excellent English.
• On Saturdays I never get up before 9 o’clock.
• Before giving a test the teacher should make sure that the students are well-prepared.
• Lying on the sofa watching old films is my favourite hobby.________________________________________
The predicate contains information about the someone or something that is the subject. The example sentences above are shown again, this time with the predicate marked in green.
• John often comes late to class.
My friend and I both have a dog named Spot.
• Many parts of the Asian coastline were destroyed by a tsunami in 2004.
• The old hotel at the end of the street is going to be knocked down to make way for a new supermarket.
• Sitting in a tree at the bottom of the garden was a huge black bird with long blue tail feathers.
• The grade 7 Korean boy who has just started at FIS speaks excellent English.
• On Saturdays I never get up before 9 o’clock.
• Before giving a test the teacher should make sure that the students are well-prepared.
• Lying on the sofa watching old films is my favourite hobby.________________________________________
Simple subject/predicate: As you can see from the example sentences above both the subject and the predicate can consist of many words. The simple subject is the main word in the subject, and the simple predicate is the main word in the predicate. The simple subject is always a noun/pronoun and the simple predicate is always a verb.
In the following sentences the simple subject is shown in red and the simple predicate is shown in green.
• My ESL teacher speaks a little Russian.
• The young girl with the long black hair fell from her bike yesterday in heavy rain.
• At the back of the line in the cafeteria yesterday was a large brown dog with a yellow collar around its neck!
• My friend and I are going on holiday together this year.
• Your mother or your father must come to the meeting.
• Sitting in a tree at the bottom of the garden was a huge black bird with long blue tail feathers.
From the last three examples sentences above you will notice that the simple subjects and simple predicates can be more than one word.

Sentence types: One way to categorize sentences is by the clauses they contain. (A clause is a part of a sentence containing a subject and a predicate.) Here are the 4 sentence types:
• Simple: Contains a single, independent clause.
o I don’t like dogs.
o Our school basketball team lost their last game of the season 75-68.
o The old hotel opposite the bus station in the center of the town is probably going to be knocked down at the end of next year.
• Compound: Contains two independent clauses that are joined by a coordinating conjunction. (The most common coordinating conjunctions are: but, or, and, so. Remember: boas.)
o I don’t like dogs, and my sister doesn’t like cats.
o You can write on paper, or you can use a computer.
o A tree fell onto the school roof in a storm, but none of the students was injured.
• Complex: Contains an independent clause plus one or more dependent clauses. (A dependent clause starts with a subordinating conjunction. Examples: that, because, while, although, where, if.)
o I don’t like dogs that bark at me when I go past.
o She did my homework, while her father cooked dinner.
o You can write on paper, although a computer is better if you want to correct mistakes easily.
Note: A dependent clause standing alone without an independent clause is called a fragment sentence – see below.
• Compound-complex: Contains 3 or more clauses (of which at least two are independent and one is dependent).
o I don’t like dogs, and my sister doesn’t like cats because they make her sneeze.
o You can write on paper, but using a computer is better as you can easily correct your mistakes.
o A tree fell onto the school roof in a storm, but none of the students was injured, although many of them were in classrooms at the top of the building.
• Although it was raining, we decided to go fishing.
• If it doesn’t rain soon, the river will dry out.
• Because the road was icy and the driver was going too fast, he was unable to brake in time when a fox ran into the road in front of him.
Note: Sentences can also be categorized according to their function.
Note: Independent clauses are also called main clauses. Dependent clauses are also called subordinate clauses.
Problematic ‘sentences’: To write a correct sentence, you need to have a good understanding of what a sentence is. Students who don’t have this understanding, or don’t take care, often include problem sentences in their writing. Native English speakers are just as likely to write problem sentences as ESL students. There are three main types of problem sentence:
• Run-on sentences: These are two sentences that the writer has not separated with an end punctuation mark, or has not joined with a conjunction. (Click the following run-ons to see where they should be separated into two sentences.)
o I went to Paris in the vacation it is the most beautiful place I have ever visited.
o It’s never too late to learn to swim you never know when you may fall from a boat.
o If you’re going to the shops can you buy me some eggs and flour I want to make a cake.
o I like our new math teacher, she always explains the work very clearly.
o He was late to school again, his bus got caught in heavy traffic.
• Sentence fragments: Fragment sentences are unfinished sentences, i.e. they don’t contain a complete idea. A common fragment sentence in student writing is a dependent clause standing alone without an independent clause. In the each of the following examples the fragment is the second ‘sentence’, shown in red:
o I don’t think I’m going to get a good grade. Because I didn’t study.
o She got angry and shouted at the teacher. Which wasn’t a very good idea.
o He watched TV for an hour and then went to bed. After falling asleep on the sofa.
o She got up and ran out of the library. Slamming the door behind her.
o I have to write a report on Albert Einstein. The famous scientist who left Europe to live in the USA.
o After riding my bike without problems for over a year, the chain broke. 40 kilometers from my house!

English Grammar Syntax

English grammar syntax focuses on the way specific sentences are formed in the English language. The word “syntax” has its roots in early Greek language and the word essentially means a specific modality associated with the principles or specific rules of a language (in this case English) that dictate how words are put together to form sentences.

The rules of English grammar syntax are based on rules of English grammar, but go a step further because they represent general principles that go beyond intuitive thinking of the way sentences are formed in the English language. English grammar syntax is an area of scholarly linguistic thought and research and a large amount of study are dedicated to the rules of English grammar syntax and how English grammar syntax is related to the syntax principles and rules of other languages.

English grammar syntax and the research associated with English sentence formation are important components of education theory regarding English language learning because syntax forms the basis of speaking in correct sentences and linguistic research has shown specific sentence formations in English that make teaching and learning English easier. This research forms the paradigms of the teaching of English and form the basis of curriculums for learning English as a second language and teaching non-native speakers of English correct English grammar syntax. In effect, research on English grammar syntax has formed the basis of learning English for non-native speakers. Without complete sentences, communications in English would not be possible.

syntax in Indonesian
This study looks at the syntax of conversational same turn self-repair (STSR) in Indonesian. STSR is the process by which speakers make alterations to the turn in progress. Patterns of repetition in STSR allow us to determine which syntactic categories speakers make use of in organizing self-repair. Previously observed cross-linguistic variation in this area has been explained in terms of projectability. The majority of Indonesian repairs prove to be limited in scope to a single word or a single immediate constituent. However, larger scope recycling involving constituents such as clause and verb phrase do occur. Indonesian findings are compared with those of previously published studies of other languages. The results support an interpretation in terms of projectability.

Syntax deals with the relation of words to each other as component parts of a sentence, and with their proper arrangement to express clearly the intended meaning.
Following the Latin method, writers on English grammar usually divide syntax into the two general heads,—agreement and government.
Agreement is concerned with the following relations of words: words in apposition, verb and subject, pronoun and antecedent, adjective and noun.
Government has to do with verbs and prepositions, both of which are said to govern words by having them in the objective case.
Considering the scarcity of inflections in English, it is clear that if we merely follow the Latin treatment, the department of syntax will be a small affair. But there is a good deal else to watch in addition to the few forms; for there is an important and marked difference between Latin and English syntax. It is this:—
Latin syntax depends upon fixed rules governing the use of inflected forms: hence the position of words in a sentence is of little grammatical importance.
English syntax follows the Latin to a limited extent; but its leading characteristic is, that English syntax is founded upon the meaning and the logical connection of words rather than upon their form: consequently it is quite as necessary to place words properly, and to think clearly of the meaning of words, as to study inflected forms.
For example, the sentence, “The savage here the settler slew,” is ambiguous. Savage may be the subject, following the regular order of subject; or settler may be the subject, the order being inverted. In Latin, distinct forms would be used, and it would not matter which one stood first.
Why study syntax?
There is, then, a double reason for not omitting syntax as a department of grammar,—
First, To study the rules regarding the use of inflected forms, some of which conform to classical grammar, while some are idiomatic (peculiar to our own language).
Second, To find out the logical methods which control us in the arrangement of words; and particularly when the grammatical and the logical conception of a sentence do not agree, or when they exist side by side in good usage.
As an illustration of the last remark, take the sentence, “Besides these famous books of Scott’s and Johnson’s, there is a copious ‘Life’ by Sheridan.” In this there is a possessive form, and added to it the preposition of, also expressing a possessive relation. This is not logical; it is not consistent with the general rules of grammar: but none the less it is good English.
Also in the sentence, “None remained but he,” grammatical rules would require him instead of he after the preposition; yet the expression is sustained by good authority.
Some rules not rigid.
In some cases, authorities—that is, standard writers—differ as to which of two constructions should be used, or the same writer will use both indifferently. Instances will be found in treating of the pronoun or noun with a gerund, pronoun and antecedent, sometimes verb and subject, etc.
When usage varies as to a given construction, both forms will be given in the following pages.

The basis of syntax.
Our treatment of syntax will be an endeavor to record the best usage of the present time on important points; and nothing but important points will be considered, for it is easy to confuse a student with too many obtrusive don’ts.
The constructions presented as general will be justified by quotations from modern writers of English who are regarded as “standard;” that is, writers whose style is generally acknowledged as superior, and whose judgment, therefore, will be accepted by those in quest of authoritative opinion.
Reference will also be made to spoken English when its constructions differ from those of the literary language, and to vulgar English when it preserves forms which were once, but are not now, good English.
It may be suggested to the student that the only way to acquire correctness is to watch good usage everywhere, and imitate it.

5. ^ Arabic Morphology and Phonology Whle ich das Wort “Morphologie” (“for the science of word formation, I choose the term ‘morphology'”, Mémoires Acad. Impériale 7/1/7, 35)
6. ^ Formerly known as Kwakiutl, Kwak’wala belongs to the Northern branch of the Wakashan language family. “Kwakiutl” is still used to refer to the tribe itself, along with other terms.
7. ^ Example taken from Foley 1998, using a modified transcription. This phenomenon of Kwak’wala was reported by Jacobsen as cited in van Valin and La Polla 1997.
8. ^ The existence of words like appendix and pending in English does not mean that the English word depend is analyzed into a derivational prefix de- and a root pend. While all those were indeed once related to each other by morphological rules, this was so only in Latin, not in English. English borrowed the words from French and Latin, but not the morphological rules that allowed Latin speakers to combine de- and the verb pendere ‘to hang’ into the derivative dependere.